At the Earth Summit, states recognized differences in economic development between developed and developing countries. Industrialization took place much earlier in industrialized countries than in developing countries. CBDR is based on the relationship between industrialization and climate change.  The more industrialized a country is, the more likely it is to have contributed to climate change. Countries agreed that developed countries have contributed more to environmental degradation and should have greater responsibility than developing countries. The CBDR principle could therefore be based on the polluter pays principle, in which the historical contribution to climate change and the respective capacity become measures of responsibility for environmental protection.  In order to ensure effective and safe participation, a comprehensive agreement on climate change must be considered fair by the countries concerned. The Paris Agreement has moved closer to differentiating countries` responsibilities in the fight against climate change by removing the rigid distinction between developed and developing countries, by providing for “subtle differentiation” of certain subgroups of countries (e.B LDCs) on substantive issues (e.g. B climate change financing) and/or for specific procedures (for example.
B calendars and reports). In this article, we analyze whether countries of self-differentiation are compatible with the subtle differentiation of the Paris Agreement in formulating their own climate plans or national contributions (NDC). We find that there is a consistency for mitigation and adaptation, but not for support (climate finance, technology transfer and capacity building). Given that NPNs are the main instrument for achieving the long-term objectives of the Paris Agreement, this inconsistency needs to be addressed so that the next final stages are more ambitious. Our equity uses historical liability data from 1850 and 1950 and capacity parameters that are not below a development threshold of $7,500 per person per year to exclude the incomes of the poor from the calculation of national capacity. Our “capital margin” does not contain a 1990 benchmark. The large amount of historical emissions that have benefited many countries during decades of unrestricted CO2 development cannot be ignored, both morally and legally. Nevertheless, we made comparisons with a 1990 benchmark to show that our main results also apply to such a benchmark.