The Majority Of Parent-Adolescent Disagreements Focus On

By 11 octubre, 2021Sin categoría

Why are there persistent differences on this fundamental aspect of parent-youth relationships? Conceptual ambiguity is responsible for some of the confusion. The claim that parent-child curves are in adolescence has a number of possibilities. For example, conflicts may increase with the onset of puberty and then decrease after the peak of maturation changes. The conflict may intensify between childhood and previous adolescence, after which it may lose weight immediately or reach a plateau until middle adolescence before decreasing in late adolescence; Alternatively, conflicts between early and middle adolescence may increase and decrease thereafter. Age and puberty can interact in ways that exacerbate changes in parent-child conflict for those who mature out of time compared to their peers. Narrative reviews rarely distinguish between these explanations and other alternative explanations, so the exact nature of the changes is on the agenda. Another source of disagreement is the tendency of different scientists to focus on different aspects of conflict. Hinde (1979) argued convincingly that to understand the importance of interaction, it is necessary to take into account qualitative aspects such as the affective tenor in addition to quantitative characteristics such as frequency. Nevertheless, narrative reviews generally put all studies dealing with disagreements or discord between parents and adolescents in the same bag, paying little attention to the systematic differences arising from the definition of conflicts in terms of emotional rate or intensity. It was not possible to perform separate analyses of parent-youth conflicts as a function of family demography, as most of the studies involved intact Middle-class Euro-American families. In terms of family composition, nine studies, which were included in analyses of age metastases, reported that the majority of participants came from intact families, one from lone-parent families, the other was split between intact, mixed and lone-parent families, and 16 did not report on family composition.

Of the puberty meta-analysis studies, nine reported that the majority of participants were from intact families, one indicated that participants were divided into intact, mixed and lone-parent families, and three did not report family composition. As with any meta-analysis, the file drawer issue should be taken into account. Unpublished studies lurking in offices and laboratories may contain results that would alter the conclusions. Typically, the problem of file drawers leads to an overestimation of the size of the effects, as insignificant results tend not to be published (Hedges & Olkin, 1985). In current meta-analyses, four additional null effects in the mean and late adolescence age comparisons would modify the parent-child-conflict-population effect so that it is no longer statistically significant. In contrast, an additional 47 null effects would be required in the age comparisons of early and late adolescence to render the overall parent-child conflict effect insignificant. Ultimately, the folder drawer problem is unlikely to mask significant changes in the parent-youth conflict, given that scientists probably have no more unpublished studies with significant results than unpublished studies with zero results. Socioeconomic classifications of status showed that in 10 studies included in analyses of age metastases, the majority of participants were from the middle class and 17 studies did not report socioeconomic data.

Of the puberty meta-analysis studies, six reported that the majority of participants were middle class and seven did not report socioeconomic data. A number of meta-analyses address the question of whether and how parent-child conflicts change during adolescence and the factors that moderate change. Meta-analyses summarize the results of studies on the change in parent-child conflict based on adolescence or pubertal maturity.. . . .